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“The international world of states and their modern system is a literary realm,” writes Charles Hill in this powerful work on the practice of international relations. “It is where the greatest issues of the human condition are played out.”
A distinguished lifelong diplomat and educator, Hill aims to revive the ancient tradition of statecraft as practiced by humane and broadly educated men and women. Through lucid and compelling discussions of classic literary works from Homer to Rushdie, Grand Strategies represents a merger of literature and international relations, inspired by the conviction that “a grand strategist . . . needs to be immersed in classic texts from Sun Tzu to Thucydides to George Kennan, to gain real-world experience through internships in the realms of statecraft, and to bring this learning and experience to bear on contemporary issues.”
This fascinating and engaging introduction to the basic concepts of the international order not only defines what it is to build a civil society through diplomacy, justice, and lawful governance but also describes how these ideas emerge from and reflect human nature.
- Sales Rank: #929964 in Books
- Published on: 2011-05-24
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.24" h x 1.01" w x 6.18" l, .97 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 384 pages
Review
"'In an age of short attention spans and disaggregated facts, Charles Hill does much to revive two venerable traditions - the classical ideal of statesmanship, and the close engagement with great texts.' (Henry A. Kissinger) 'Grand Strategies concerns statesmanship and strategy: the uses of power, the fate of alliances, war and peace. It also, happily, provides a tour through the Great Books, giving special attention to nation-states and their vexed relations.' (William Anthony Hay, Wall Street Journal)"
About the Author
Charles Hill, a career minister in the U.S. Foreign Service, is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution as well as Brady-Johnson Distinguished Fellow in Grand Strategy, Senior Lecturer in International Studies, and Senior Lecturer in Humanities at Yale University. He lives in New Haven, CT.
Most helpful customer reviews
40 of 46 people found the following review helpful.
A Manual for Literary Statecraft
By Etienne RP
There is a case for having diplomats trained as scientists. Paul Nitze, the arms control strategist and negotiator, used to explain how the United States needed to approach the USSR by using a diplomatic version of Niels Bohr's principle of complementarity: "Light can be both wave and particle at the same time"; the United States should have to be adversarial and accommodating at the same time. Strobe Talbott, expert on foreign relations and former classmate to Bill Clinton, was once praised for having established the diplomatic equivalent of impedance matching, a process used by electronics engineers, in the strategic dialogue he conducted with his counterpart Jaswand Singh following India's nuclear testing in 1998. The two countries were on different planes, but the current between them somehow got through.
But this case for the diplomat-engineer is seldom made. More often than not, it is considered that the statesman and his close kin, the diplomat, should be trained in the humanities. Charles Hill, a diplomat turned educator and a lover of great books, takes as his aim "the restoration of literature as a tutor for statecraft". The argument of his book is that the world should recognize high political ideas and actions of statecraft as aspects of the human condition that are fully within the scope of literary genius, and ones that great writers have consistently explored in important ways. For Charles Hill, the international world of states and their modern system is a literary realm; it is where the greatest ideas of the human condition are played on. Even literary works read and praised for insights on personal feelings and intimate matters, such as Jane Austen's Emma, possess a dimension wholly apt for statecraft--in Emma's case, the gathering and misanalysis of intelligence. Conversely, when literary works take up matters of statecraft, images suggest that the foundation stone of world order is located in marriage and the family.
For Charles Hill, political science proves inadequate in dealing with "the great matters of high politics, statecraft, and grand strategy". Political scientists are experts who ignore the reality of politics in search of "scientific" answers to some trivial or obvious aspects of a problem. Political science by self-definition must confine itself to a narrow band of problems, capable of scientifically replicable solutions--leaving the biggest questions beyond its reach. Neither can history provide the answer to the issues at hand. Historians have the pleasure of dealing with all the facts known to all the participants of any past event. But the statesmen of the time must make decisions when knowing only a small portion of what is happening. Neither historians nor political scientists can deal with the complexity of true strategy and statecraft.
As the author claims in Grand Strategies, statecraft cannot be practiced in the absence of literary insight, without a "grasp of the ungraspable" that only literature allows. Decisions in diplomacy must be taken before all the facts are in, when all the implications cannot be known. That is why diplomacy must be practiced as one of the humanities and informed by all of humanistic learning, with literature at the apex. The dimension of fiction, and of poetic license, is indispensable to the strategist who cannot, by the nature of the craft, know all of the facts, considerations, and potential consequences of a situation at the time a decision must be made, ready or not. Literature lives in the realm grand strategy requires, beyond rational calculation, in acts of the imagination.
Charles Hills begins his literary grand tour with Homer's epic of war between assembled Greek warriors and the citadel of Troy. In the Iliad, Achilles has retreated under his tent and Odysseus is sent by Agamemnon on a diplomatic mission to convince him to join back the fray. But Odysseus violates two fundamental laws of diplomacy. He doesn't follow his instructions to the letter, putting aside the demand that Achilles bow down to Agamemnon as a token of allegiance. And he doesn't report back to Agamemnon accurately, stating that Achilles is still bursting with anger whereas the Greek hero agreed to consider the request carefully. In any case, Odysseus' diplomatic mission to Achilles, and his later trials on his way back to Ithaca, demonstrate that diplomacy precedes the state, and may count among the oldest trades humanity has ever practiced. Halfway between the myth and the epic, Aeschylus's great trilogy The Oresteia locates civilization's origin in the creation of the state. The drama tracks the aristocratic house of Atreus, disintegrating under a curse that demands revenge down the generations until Orestes, in Athens, is the central character in a transition from the primeval cycle of revenge to civil society based on judicial order.
There is a literary genre that takes at its subject the foundation and preservation of a polity. This genre is the epic, and its evolution through the ages provides the Ariadne's thread that runs throughout the labyrinth of great literary works. Epic stories come in verse or in prose, and they may stick to fact and realism or give leeway to the powers of the imagination. But they all have a state-making quality: the hero's fate is closely linked to the birth of a nation, and it is told with the benefit of hindsight by the heirs to that national tradition. Epics are political narratives that tell the story of a state before history began, through the trials of one individual who shoulders the destiny of a community without knowing that all his wanderings and chance encounters will ultimately make sense.
Every classic epic involves a visit by the hero to the Underworld, where the experience will reveal to him his true, fated mission. Reaching the nether region requires contact with a vegetation symbol, like Virgil's Golden Bough, and a guiding companion. Charles Hill finds that same narrative structure in many works of fiction, from the classic narrative poems of Homer, Virgil, Dante and Milton to the modern novels of Jonathan Swift, Thomas Mann and Franz Kafka. The descent to the underworld, and the walk in the woods that precedes it, infuse the political order with a mythical element that sustains it. To be legitimate, any political system must at least hint at the underlying divinely founded order.
Although Charles Hill is mostly preoccupied with works of fiction and poetry, he also suffuses the text with his real-life experience. He was a direct witness when Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew visited Harvard in 1970 and when, in front of anti-war protesters and New Left faculty, he declared: "If the U.S. were not fighting in Vietnam, Singapore would be gone by now". The author concurs and adds that "not many years later, the emergence of the Asian Tigers as successful states in the global economy would prove Lee correct." The author also refers to his close relationship with Henry Kissinger, who shared the same literary tastes and passion for history. Kissinger poked fun at State Department officers who had never heard of Cardinal Richelieu, or misquoted Thucydides without having read The Peloponnesian War. Clearly the community of grand strategists and readers of ancient epics is an exclusive club. On the other hand, being steeped in books does not necessarily make one a more enlightened statesman. During the epoch-making visit to China in 1972, Mao received Nixon and Kissinger in his private room full of books and manuscripts, a location which looked more like the retreat of a scholar than the audience room of a political leader. But Chairman Mao is certainly no model for Charles Hill, who was trained as a China watcher during the horrendous years of the Cultural Revolution.
Charles Hill has a good knowledge of the literary canon, as he revisits the masterworks "every schoolboy used to know" but nobody now remembers, such as the long march of the Ten Thousand in Xenophon's Anabasis. His command of diplomatic history also enlightens the text, as when he retells the story of the Telegram from Ems that Bismarck rewrote and leaked in order to trick the French into declaring war to Prussia. To be true, the connections that the author establishes between works of fiction or poetry and the course of history are sometimes tedious, and we get the impression that the author writes about certain works just because he likes them for their literary value, which is fine. The parallel he draws between T.S. Eliot's The Waste Land and Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points is rather far-fetched, even though he is right to draw attention to the literary dimension of what he considers "the most influential document in American diplomatic history".
Based on Hill's lectures at Yale, the book leaves the reader with a long list of suggested readings, including the masterworks whose reading one always postpone, such as Dante's Divine Comedy, Milton's Paradise Lost, or Whitman's Leaves of Grass. But a reader's humanistic culture is always a work in progress, and Charles Hill is no exception: the misspellings in his quotes of Rimbaud's volumes suggest that his French could need a little refreshing. Perhaps more than the classics, I was drawn to the works of contemporary fiction that he refers to in the book, and which I have added to my reading list. These are Cyril Connolly's The Unquiet Grave, David Stacton's People of the Book, and Roberto Calasso's The Ruin of Kasch. Readers' feedback on these books would be most appreciated.
38 of 45 people found the following review helpful.
Wonderfully written, and very important
By J. Scott Shipman
Mr. Hill's Grand Strategies is an important modern contribution on the powerful and nowadays often neglected connection between literature, governance, philosophy and history. His profound and deep understanding of these important topics is apparent on every page. Anyone in the foreign service or military would gain a better appreciation for "how we got here" and the obstacles that were overcome (or not overcome, and why). Hill covers the globe, starting with the classical Greeks (Homer, Xenophon, & Thucydides to name a few) and working his way towards more modern works/times---to include "The Imported State" and the evolution of China.
For me Hill's book was an a reintroduction to works I read many years ago (TE Lawrence, Kipling, Proust, Milton, & Locke) and an introduction to author's I've never read, but should.
This small, 300-page "introduction" of sorts would provide an excellent foundation for anyone with an interest in the intersection of literature and history, and should be required reading at foreign service schools and military academies at a minimum. We would be wise to reestablish the connection between a complete liberal arts background and the career fields determining our national policies/strategies.
Highest recommendation; this is an important book.
9 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Beyond 5 Stars--Can Frustrate, But Righteously Broad
By Robert David STEELE Vivas
I am sympathetic to those who are critical of the author, as I myself was frustrated at many points and also I confess feeling very ignorant about many of the literary works that were mentioned. However, and despite a rotten index and the lack of a syntopicon or annex with literature and politics and economics at least, side by side, this is for me beyond 5 stars, a category where no more than 10% of my reviewed works can be found (at Phi Beta Iota, the Public Intelligence Blog).
It is true the book is not so much about grand strategy in the classical political science or military sense, but for that I recommend Colin Gray's Modern Strategy. The book also does not address the impoverished nature of the nation-state system or how to build civilizations. There I recommend Philip Allott's The Health of Nations: Society and Law beyond the State and Richard Spady's The Leadership of Civilization Building: Administrative and civilization theory, Symbolic Dialogue, and Citizen Skills for the 21st Century.
Read to the bitter end this magnificent book is both an indictment of the nation-state system, and an ode to the role of literature as a foundation for understanding and enhancing civilization and relations among peoples rather than nations.
There is no doubt that I failed to appreciate at least a third of this book, but it held my attention, it caused me to reflect at length, and I have no qualms about recommending it as a moral and intellectual exercise to anyone.
A few quotes that made it into my notebook.
QUOTE (2): "Literature is illuminating but neutral -- it can be used for good or ill by people in power."
QUOTE (4): "What has not been much recognized is that many literary works read and praised for insights on personal feeling, such as Jane Austen's Emma, possess a dimension wholly fit for statecraft--in Emma's case, the gathering and mis-analysis of intelligence."
QUOTE (7): "To be more specific about why literary insight is essential for statecraft, both endeavors are concerned with important questions that are only partly accessible to rational thought. Such matters as how a people beings to identify itself as a nation, the nature of trust between political actors or between a government and its people, how a national commits itself to a more humane course of governance--all these and many more topics dealt with in this book--can't be understood without some 'grasp of the ungraspable' emotional and moral weight they bear."
The book is state-centric, but in a clever way. The author recognizes failed states and toward the end of the book it is crystal clear that the author believes, as I do, that the suppression of self-determination has been the root cause of conflict. He looks to literature to understand the tribes and networks that were displaced or repressed by the state, as a starting point for making them whole again.
The author clearly considers the state the sole sustainable basis for legitimate power including force, and while I do not agree with this, appreciate how he melds state ideologies and the ideas of literature across the book.
Classic texts are those that help successive generations think through their own era's challenges, and this causes me to reflect on the constancy of philosophy and values across time and space and circumstance.
QUOTE (28): "Both Xenophon's epic and Plato's Republic take up the matter of how a new political community is formed out of catastrophe."
As a long-time admirer of the work of Cervantes and Don Quixote in particular (I have the family copy of the edition produced in Spain) I am fascinated by all that the author draws out of the story.
The early part of the book focuses on how various literary works focused on the great issues, the challenges, the changes, the relations between higher and lower classes, concepts of war and peace, the role of religion within a state.
He covers Machiavelli (power versus reason), Rousseau (never a legitimate government), Kant (the more republics the less war), Gibbon (intolerance of Christianity--dogma--destroyed the peace.
QUOTE (130): "If any religion can be admired by an enlightenment savant, Gibbon seems to say, it is Islam, which is rooted in reason."
He cover Locke (right of rebellion against arbitrary government) and drives me to read Washington's farewell address as a philosophical reflection.
QUOTE (150): "Walden is an American rewriting of the most influential treatise on the origin, legitimacy, and meaning of governance ever written, Aristotle's Politics. Like Aristotle, Thoreau explores the fundamentals of human nature and human needs so as to ground and explain how a polity comes into being."
Dickens and the tale of two cities are presented as the case for the inevitability of revolt in the face of oppression and injustice.
QUOTE (199): The Secret Agent is a guidebook of warnings to civilization. At first, Conrad portrays terrorism as hardly a threat at all. It is state authority that is pompous, ridiculous, bogus, even deserving of the fate that the terrorists have in store."
I am fascinated (page 213) to read that the author clearly sees in history earlier manifestations of the military-industrial complex powered by oil and railroads.
On page 222 I find the most important point from a strategic point of view, that suppression of self determination in the author's view (and all those he cites) was the cause of the confrontations leading to the great war. I urge those interested in this concept to read both The Search for Security: A U.S. Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century and The Unconquerable World: Power, Nonviolence, and the Will of the People.
QUOTE (298): "Legitimacy in governance remains a concept too escoteric for mere politicians to grasp. Literature and the book may be required."
I do NOT agree with those who are critical of this statement. Norman Cousins would certainly agree, his famous quote being to the effect that governments cannot discern great truths, only peoples can discern great truths. See Pathology Of Power.
I have a note, this book is a superb reintegration or homage to holistic learning and analysis.
QUOTE (225): "Today's diplomatic representation is fragmented and evanescent. Nearly every agency of government sends its representatives abroad. There are also nongovernmental organizations, tourists, athletic teams, celebrities, corporations, films, and every form of art and entertainment. The diplomat does not represent so much as view for attention."
As the book winds down the author observes that the world has become increasingly chaotic, with no constants such as values or philosophy.
Having been a child in Viet-Nam from 1963-1967, and then finished high school in Singapore, I am stunned to find the author quoting Minister-Mentor Lee Kuan Yew, speaking to a gathering of Harvard faculty, to the effect that the US engagement in Viet-Nam was good for Asia as a whole, in that it distracted the US and gave the rest of the Asian nations time to both defeat communism and to develop their own independent nation-states. This is the first time, ever, I have see anything justifying Viet-Nam in a grand strategic context from the point of view of the other nations in the region.
Pages 289-292 are instantly recognizable as near-subversive, and if Pope Benedict XVI wants just four pages to read in this book, those are the pages. The author discusses Pope John Paul's address to the United Nations, and the implications of human rights as a concept that both subsumes states to a larger community good, and sets the stage for hybrid non-state actors--such as religions--to play a defining role in global governance. Since I am hugely interested in the Assisi Peace Summit that has been announced by Pope Benedict XVI following in John Paul's footsteps, these four pages I recommend to every Catholic specifically, and all others generally.
The last sentence of the book:
QUOTE (298): "The restoration of literature as a tutor for statecraft has been the aim of this book."
I am not qualified to extract all of the value that is in this book, but I certainly see in the author's melding of literature and statecraft a most valuable and to my own limited knowledge unique contribution that can be used to challenge students, diplomats, and all others for the better.
I have two lists of book lists at Phi Beta Iota the Public Intelligence Blog (click on Books in the top bar), here I will list just a few that fall within my link allowance:
Radical Man
Mapping the Moral Domain: A Contribution of Women's Thinking to Psychological Theory and Education
The Lessons of History
Philosophy and the Social Problem: The Annotated Edition
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